Speech By H.E. Abdullah Gul, President of the Republic of Turkey on “International System, Europe And Turkey In The First Quarter Of The 21st Century”

Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a great pleasure to be here before you today at Chatham House. In fact, the joyous occasion for me to be visiting Great Britain is this year’s Chatham House Prize to be awarded to me tomorrow. I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to the members of Chatham House for offering this distinctive honour to my humble achievements.

The realities behind the current challenges faced by the international community are very complex.

The work of the Royal Institute is, therefore, most valuable since it helps the public and the policy makers put actual events into a broader perspective and promotes enlightened debates on them.

I would like to thank Dr. Niblett for the opportunity to share with you my perspective on the international system, Europe and Turkey in the first quarter of the 21st century.

In fact, this is the second time that I am making a presentation at this renowned House which was home to three British Prime Ministers.

I am also deeply aware that Turkey and the United Kingdom share a long common history.

It comes as no surprise that Britain sent its first resident ambassador to the Ottoman Empire towards the end of the 16th century.

On our side, in 1793 Yusuf Agah Efendi was appointed as the first resident Ottoman Ambassador to London. Let me also add that he was the first resident Ottoman ambassador ever posted to a foreign capital.

A very different international order existed at the time of the Ottoman and British Empires. What about today, when we are about to leave behind the first decade of the 21st century? In what follows, I would like to elaborate on how I see the main elements of a well-functioning international order.

Distinguished Guests,

The end of the Cold War marked the beginning of the transition to a new international strategic environment.

The removal of the existential threat of a direct conflict between opposing blocks was certainly a welcome development for global peace.

Another important dividend, among others, was that our former foes in the Warsaw Pact became our friends, partners and allies, as they adopted pluralism and free market principles.

However, these positive outcomes of the end of the East-West confrontation did not mean that all threats to peace suddenly ceased to exist. The Cold War order was not abruptly replaced by a new system that was capable of managing international relations effectively.

Neither did the end of the Cold War mean the end of history, as some have claimed. On the contrary, the hectic speed of the post Cold War years suggested that the flow of history was in fact accelerating, rather than coming to a halt.

And now, we are increasingly realizing that we are at a critical juncture where we must open a whole new chapter in human history. True formidable challenges from fighting terrorism to fighting climate change are enduring.

With the emergence of new and unforeseen challenges and opportunities, the international system is bound to evolve towards a new state of equilibrium during the next decade.

In my opinion, the current international system is at the state of a three dimensional “imperfect equilibrium”. This state of affairs emanates from deficits in the political, economic and socio-humanitarian domains.

From a strategic and political standpoint, this “imperfect equilibrium” emerged, as I said mainly because of the absence of a new international order following the end of the Cold War.

At present, the world does not revolve around the two super powers anymore. Furthermore, the relative weight of the West in the international balance of power is also gradually declining. Rising powers like China, India, Brazil and Russia are shifting the centre of gravity of international relations towards Asia and the East.

On the other hand, with the gradual transformation of the composition and perception of threats, the content and definition of the traditional understanding of “security” is also changing and expanding.

Today the international system can neither be described as “uni-polar” nor “multi-polar” nor “non-polar”.

Furthermore, the global economic crisis has deeply exposed the weaknesses of international economic governance. The dire effects of the crisis are still being felt in many parts of the world.

This has brought up the need to establish a new and what we may call a “normal” order in the field of economy too.

On the one hand, we see developed market economies running huge deficits in their public finances; on the other hand, there are rising economies with fast growth rates and large sovereign funds emanating from current account surpluses.

There are also a number of countries recharged by high oil and other commodity prices, in contrast to the least developed countries suffering from high oil, commodity and food prices.

All these are signalling to us that the international economic system is also at a state of “imperfect equilibrium” too. Until this state shifts into a new and normal balance, we might encounter symmetrical shocks at both global and regional levels.

Today, the road to peace, stability and welfare passes through democratic values and the enhancement of human rights standards.

Likewise, values such as the rule of law, political plurality, equality and respect for differences, can no longer be ignored.

It is also depressing that only a small portion of the world’s population is benefiting properly from these social and humanitarian values.

Unfortunately, billions of people are living deprived of basic rights and freedoms, as well as minimum means of livelihood.

Some of these people are leaving their countries and looking for ways to migrate illegally to developed countries.

On the other hand, an increasing rate of migration is also resulting in the re-emergence of old threats like racism, xenophobia and intolerance in many developed countries.

We can add to this equation, the problems prevailing in the least developed countries such as lack of education and health, gender discrimination, poverty and chronic famine.

It is obvious that the current international structure has also serious “shortcomings and deficits” in terms of social and humanitarian values.

Distinguished Guests,

New dynamics brought by globalization have put an end to a paradigm in which national and regional measures had given positive, though limited results.

Furthermore, they compelled the establishment of a minimum order and balance in the strategic, economic and humanitarian fields.

This description may sound a little bit gloomy. However, there is no room for pessimism. If the necessary political will and determination could be displayed, I see no reason why the international community would not be successful.

These are my fundamental observations about the current circumstances. Now allow me to share with you my thoughts on the main characteristics of a normal new international order, as I envisage it.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

During the last quarter of the 19th century, a balance was established on the basis of the harmony observed among major powers with the leadership of Britain.

This time, in the first quarter of the 21st century, we could see the emergence of an order based on the harmony among the US, as the leading power, and other powers such as the EU (and individually its major members), Russia, China, India and Brazil.

Benefitting from thousands of years of state tradition, and having inherited the experience, memories and reflexes of great empires, contemporary Turkey certainly will take its rightful place in this new and normal international order.

Our rich human resources, developing economic power, deep-rooted culture and the virtue of our democracy will be the fundamental driving forces in this process.

For some time, I have been advocating the idea of Turkey joining the BRIC countries as a target. Now, I am pleased to see that many strategic commentators are already talking about the notion of “BRIC+ T”.

I have also been emphasizing the need to construct a new language of politics and diplomacy.

Nevertheless, I must add that our wish for a new language of diplomacy, and desire for a new and “normal” international order are not driven by revisionist motives.

I rather envision an evolving international system that eventually meets the challenges we face today.

As I see it, an effective international order to lead us to a prosperous future must incorporate several key features which interact positively with each other.

First, we would like to see the establishment of an order that can successfully address the existing problems in the current international environment stemming from the “three dimensional deficits” which I mentioned previously.

Second, it should be an order in which countries would not be categorized with a Cold War mentality as 1st, 2nd or 3rd world countries.

Third, we aspire to an order which approaches international relations through the viewpoint of universal values and focuses on the whole world, and reject a Euro-centric understanding of history and international affairs.

Fourth, we want to achieve an order in which principles and goals prevail over club membership reflexes.

Fifth, instead of an order in which winners are rewarded and losers are punished, the new order should enable us to win the hearts and minds of the defeated.

Sixth, it should be a participatory and just order embracing all, which also has the power, capacity, means and arrangements to confront threats whenever necessary.

Seventh, it should be a multi-cultural, multi-dimensional, heterogeneous but harmonized order.

This also means an order in which identities and beliefs are not hierarchically categorized, in which the “other” is not detested but respected and embraced.

Eighth, it should be an order that refuses a single power’s hegemony and that multiplies the centres of power and renders them interdependent.

Finally, we aspire to an order where people distinguish themselves not by bearing symbols but qualifications, and express themselves not with rhetoric but with their deeds.

Distinguished Guests,

At this point, one might wonder what exactly Turkey is doing on its part, to translate this vision into reality.

Put very simply, Turkey continues to be a force for good in its region and has been making positive contributions to the establishment of such an international order. Let me elaborate.

Throughout its history, Turkey has always found itself surrounded by opportunities and challenges.

In addressing the challenges and risks, and making use of the opportunities, Turkey has various assets in the political, economic and social fields.

On the political dimension, as a strong NATO ally, a negotiating candidate to the European Union and member of many regional organizations, Turkey is a well networked and connected power.

On the economic dimension, we try to usher in a better global economic structure through our participation in the G-20, while being no less diligent about issues like curbing global warming, ensuring sustainable energy supplies and eradicating poverty.

Furthermore, I believe that the path to an effective and fair global order goes through local building blocks as well. Therefore, on a regional scale Turkey is already playing an active part in shaping the future international order.

In this context, first thing we tried to overcome 8 years ago was to tear up a self imposed iron curtain poising our relations with the neighbours. Since then, we have been pursuing not a zero sum game, but a zero problem policy vis-a-vis our neighbours.

Since then, through the various regional dialogue mechanisms we have set up, many Free Trade Agreements we have signed, and the energy, communication and transportation projects we have initiated, we are building an arc of stability, cooperation and welfare in areas surrounding Turkey.

In parallel to the ground breaking democratic and social reforms put into practice at home, Turkey has become a staunch supporter of initiatives aimed at advancing human rights and addressing humanitarian issues.

We also have done our utmost in promoting mutual understanding and respect among different cultures and faiths, and, last but not least, in fighting all forms of racism, xenophobia, discrimination and intolerance.

Distinguished Fellows,

The challenges of globalization are best addressed by democratic societies. This is also the message we are getting across. Therefore, I chose the title of my speech at Oxford this evening as “The Islamic World, Democracy and Development”.

It might be easy to talk about such issues in Western capitals like London or Washington D.C., but I delivered similar speeches in Tehran and other Islamic capitals back in 2003.

The credibility of our message is strengthened by the fact that we have historical and cultural ties with the many peoples in our neighbourhood.

That's why, Turkey can draw upon its cross-cultural skills, soft power and influence in acting as an interface that facilitates dialogue among parties in dispute.

Our diplomatic track record in the Balkans, the Middle East, the Caucasus and Central Asia bears testimony to this fact.

Distinguished Guests,

Today, despite some setbacks, Turkey is a vibrant democracy which is making progress in its negotiations for full membership to the European Union.

I would be inconsistent if I did not talk briefly about how I view the EU and its relations with Turkey in the first quarter of the 21st century.

At the outset, let me set the record straight: The Western vocation of Turkey is a supra-generational policy which has a deep historical background and a strong strategic rationale. The goal of Turkey’s EU membership is a strategic choice, built upon this historical foundation.

The European Union is perhaps the best example of a successful model of regional integration and governance.

The EU also represents a leading case of how a well-functioning regional order can improve peace, stability and welfare on a continental level.

However, the debate going on over the enlargement issue does not contribute to the advancement of the Union.

As a matter of fact, the EU enlargement has been the most successful foreign policy achievement in the world since the Second World War.

On the other hand, it is a totally false proposition that Turkey’s membership would undermine the harmony and coherence within the EU.

To the contrary, Turkey wishes to join an EU, which has successfully completed its internal and external transformation.

As such, our vision is to see a Union of exemplary solidarity, cooperation and integration at the highest level possible.

It is indeed an EU, which can smartly use its soft power to shape global developments: An EU that can act as a global force for good in its region and beyond.

The EU will not be weaker but stronger both politically and economically with Turkey’s membership.

It is sad to observe that some European leaders do not properly see the future of the world in the span of 20, 50, 70 years time.

This short-sighted vision is the major impediment before the idea of EU as a global actor capable of assuming greater responsibilities on political and security issues complementing its economic clout.

Given the fact that the “international balance of power” tends to shift towards the East and Asia, it is, indeed, a strategic imperative for the EU to have Turkey as a member.

I am confident that admitting Turkey as a member would be a remarkable turning point with a historical significance in the first quarter of the 21st century.

Distinguished Guests,

Today, international relations are not only about national interests or political, economic and military power but also about culture, history and shared universal values.

In this context, let me reiterate Turkey’s determination to work for a better international order based on the principles of justice, equality and freedom: An international order which strikes the right balance between power and principle.

In this endeavour, as ever, we will continue to work shoulder to shoulder with our long-standing friend, partner and ally, the United Kingdom.

Thank you.